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Channel Description:
Latest Articles in this Channel:
- 02/15/11--21:00: PODCAST: Ted Bromund on Containing a Nuclear Iran, Heritage in Focus (chan 2738361)
- 03/10/11--10:51: North Korea - a Multi-Faceted Threat to Peace and Stability (chan 2738361)
- 04/18/11--11:06: Congress Must Demand Details of New START Implementation (chan 2738361)
- 05/03/11--12:28: Missile Defense Policies | 2010 Missile Defense Program (chan 2738361)
- 05/26/11--08:40: U.S. Should Reject Ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (chan 2738361)
- 05/26/11--22:00: Beware the Next U.S.-Russian Arms Control Treaty (chan 2738361)
- 06/19/11--22:00: Return of the Test Ban Treaty (chan 2738361)
- 06/19/11--22:00: START Exposes Obama's Half-Truth National Security Talk (chan 2738361)
- 06/20/11--13:13: Cold War-Style Arms Control Undermines U.S.–Russian Relations (chan 2738361)
- 06/27/11--13:09: Nuclear Weapons Modernization Priorities After New START (chan 2738361)
- 06/27/11--22:00: On Nukes, O 'Leads' & the World Laughs (chan 2738361)
- 12/07/11--09:34: Seeking the Right Balance in US-Russia Missile Defense Cooperation (chan 2738361)
- 12/07/11--21:00: More International Sanctions and Pressure Needed on Iran (chan 2738361)
- 12/13/11--14:45: Reject Efforts to Weaken Iran Sanctions (chan 2738361)
- 12/16/11--11:50: U.N. Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons: What the US Should Do (chan 2738361)
- 01/23/12--13:27: Air Force Needs to Maintain Its Focus on the Nuclear Mission (chan 2738361)
- 01/24/12--13:51: U.S. Space Policy: More Limits on Space Systems Unacceptable (chan 2738361)
- 01/27/12--11:17: Time to Modernize and Revitalize the Nuclear Weapons Triad (chan 2738361)
- 02/08/12--07:38: U.S. Strategy on Russia’s Tactical Nuclear Weapons (chan 2738361)
- 02/13/12--10:36: U.S. Must Address Critical Questions on U.N. Arms Trade Treaty (chan 2738361)
Ted Bromund discusses the options for containing a nuclear Iran. David Weinberger hosts.
North Korea has developed enough fissile material for six to eight plutonium-based nuclear weapons. Although the status of weaponization remains unclear, North Korea conducted two nuclear tests in 2006 and 2009. North Korean officials have repeatedly vowed that the regime has no intention of abandoning its nuclear arsenal.
Congress should demand that the Pentagon provide a report outlining and describing how much the implementation of New START will cost.
Obama's 2010 missile defense program does not keep up with proliferation threats. Find out why here.
There is no justification for reconsideration of the CTBT today. The institutional integrity of the Senate is now at stake.
The Obama Administration is already preparing for negotiations with Russia on an arms control treaty that goes beyond New START, which just entered into force in February. The Administration may see this next treaty as the means for establishing a “minimal deterrence” posture for the U.S. as a way station between today’s posture and its ultimate goal of nuclear disarmament. It is never too early in the arms control treaty process for Senators to exercise their power to advise the President and his Administration. Given U.S. national security interests and the actions of the Administration regarding arms control to date, most particularly in negotiating and bringing into force a lopsided New START agreement, their prerogatives in this process should be clear.
In Washington, bad ideas never die. Exhibit A: the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), which was rejected by the Senate twelve years ago.
"I never let my right hand know what my left hand is doing." - President Franklin Delano Roosevelt
The United States and Russia should adopt fundamentally defensive strategic postures based on the “protect and defend” strategy.
In a world of multiple nuclear powers, the U.S. government should exchange Cold War–style deterrence for a policy of “protecting and defending” the U.S. and its allies against nuclear attack. Pursuing such a policy will require both maintaining a credible nuclear posture, which is modernized to meet the strategic needs of the 21st century, and expanding and improving U.S. strategic defenses, including missile defenses. Regrettably, the President and Congress have been underfunding both. Two decades of neglect have left the U.S. with a nuclear triad of ICBMs, submarine-launched ballistic missiles, and bombers that are aging and not adapted to meeting the requirements of the “protect and defend strategy.” To maintain a credible deterrent, the U.S. must modernize its nuclear arsenal, which must include developing and testing new nuclear weapons.
President Obama's "lead by example" nuclear-nonproliferation policy of strategic-weapons cuts and treaties (such as the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty with Russia) isn't having the desired effect. In fact, the "fallout" is quite the opposite: All the news points toward a more nuclear world.
The U.S. and Russia should move toward more defensive strategic postures independently but in the spirit of cooperation.
Iran will remain a hostile power that poses threats to its neighbors, the United States, and its own people as long as the current regime remains in power. International sanctions have weakened the Iranian economy, but sanctions alone will not halt Iran’s nuclear weapons program or topple the regime.
By undermining congressional sanctions on Iran, the Obama Administration risks increasing the chances that Israel or the United States will be forced to take military action against Iran.
The U.S. should demonstrate by its actions that the advocates of the CCM have made a serious error by rejecting the U.S. initiative.
Maintaining a nuclear-mission-dedicated squadron of bombers would help keep the Air Force’s focus on maintaining nuclear deterrence.
Congress should not allow the Administration to negotiate a Code of Conduct for space activities without its advice and consent.
The U.S. nuclear triad of heavy bombers, intercontinental-range ballistic missiles (ICBMs), and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs) is aging.
Addressing massive U.S.–Russian disparities in tactical nuclear weapons will be difficult unless the United States regains a position of strength.
The U.S. should not allow a U.N. Arms Trade Treaty to go forward unless it is ruled by consensus decision-making.